The micro-foundations of the early
London capital market: Bank of
England shareholders during and
after the South Sea Bubble,
1720–251
By ANN M. CARLOS AND LARRY NEAL
SUMMARY
Using two sources, Bank of England Transfer Books and Stock Ledgers, this
article explores the nature of the ‘customer base’ for Bank shares during and
after the South Sea Bubble. This examination uncovers the nature of individual
participation in this early capital market. The Transfer Ledgers record
roughly 7,000 transfers during 1720, while the Ledger Books from 1720–25
record over 8,000 individuals holding stock. The analysis finds the customer
base had breadth and depth, comprising individuals from across the social
spectrum, from all over England and Europe. The market was diverse and
liquid. Activity during the Bubble came from those living in and around
London, with most traders participating in the market only twice at most.
While the majority of participants were men, there was a sizeable female
presence. Men as a group lost money from their market activity, but women
made money. In the five years after the Bubble, the customer base was
sustained. The analysis argues that the secondary market in financial assets
cannot be dismissed as mere gambling devices, and that the basis for a
mutually productive interaction between the financial sector and the real
sector of the economy was already in existence and was sustained through the
shock of the South Sea Bubble and its collapse.
I
iscussions of the development of English capital markets generate an
interesting and unresolved tension between the disruptive and possibly
irrational South Sea bubble in 1720 on the one hand, and the strength,
1 A very early draft of this paper was presented at the Economic History Society meeting 2002. This
paper has benefited greatly from comments and suggestions by the anonymous referees and participants
in workshops at Trinity College Dublin, University of Oxford, University of British Columbia, and
University of California, Los Angeles. The authors gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the
National Science Foundation. We must acknowledge the help and expertise of the Bank of England
archivists, especially Henry Gillett and Sarah Millard. All errors unfortunately remain our own.
D
EARLY LONDON CAPITAL MARKET FOUNDATIONS 499
© Economic History Society 2005
Economic History Review, LIX, 3 (2006)
durability, and sheer vitality of eighteenth-century English public finance
on the other. Indeed, the role of the South Sea bubble in the long-run
development of modern financial markets, and especially of the London
stock market, remains an open issue, both for historians and economists.
The first historian of the episode, Adam Anderson, hoped that his chronicle
might ‘serve for a perpetual memento to the legislators and ministers of our
own nation, never to leave it in the power of any, hereafter, to hoodwink
mankind into so shameful and baneful an imposition on the credulity of the
people, thereby diverted from their lawful industry’.2 The most recently
published account of the South Sea Bubble ‘claims no more than to have
reaffirmed Anderson’s cautionary conclusion that from time to time markets
can go mad’.3 Yet, even Adam Anderson acknowledged that no lasting
damage was done to the development of the British financial sector, and
virtually all subsequent treatments of the South Sea episode have confirmed
Anderson’s implicit assessment.4
The absence of impact of the bubble episode, especially in relation to the
subsequent development of the public capital market, raises what we consider
to be two contrasting views. Was the British economy so backward in
1720 that a financial shock of the magnitude of the South Sea Bubble
affected but a small sliver of the economy, as some argue?5 Or was it possible
that the institutional framework of the British financial sector had, even by
1720, acquired the resiliency necessary to withstand such a shock and
recover quickly? In this article we argue that the financial sector was resilient
and so able to absorb the price movements across 1720.6
Our investigation,
focusing on the market for Bank of England stock, provides measures of
the depth and breadth of the capital market during and after 1720. We focus
on Bank stock that was widely understood at the time to be the least
speculative stock among the major joint-stock companies whose shares were
available to investors.7 Our examination uncovers the nature of individual
participation in this early capital market, what stock market specialists today
call the ‘customer base’. We are impressed with the characteristics of this
early customer base, unique in Europe for its diversity and size, and with
2 Anderson, Historical and chronological deduction, pp. 91–2. 3 Dale, First crash, p. 183. 4 At least, that is our reading of Andreades, History; Brewer, Sinews of power; Carswell, South Sea
Bubble; Clapham, Bank of England; Dickson, Financial revolution; Harris, Industrializing English law; and
Scott, Constitution and finance. Even Anderson, Historical and chronological deduction, omits further
mention of the South Sea when he moves on to the years after 1723, when the final breakup of the
Company was accomplished. 5 Hoppit, ‘Myths’.
6 For a contrasting view, see Ibid., who concludes ‘Fundamentally, the Bubble was about high politics,
high finance, and high society’, p. 158. His assessment is based on the participation of investors in the
South Sea Company at the time, while ours is based on an analysis of the entire range of investors in
the Bank of England. 7 Over the previous five years of increasingly active stock market activity, the coefficient of variation
of Bank of England stock was only 7.8%, compared to 19.0% for East India Company stock and 9.9%
for South Sea Company stock. (Calculations from ICPSR Study 1008, COEDAILY.dat, available at:
http://webapp.icpsr.umich.edu/cocoon/ICPSR-PRA/01008.xml).
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